SHERYL M. DELOZIER, Pennsylvania state representative: l9n

State representative for the 88th District, a Republican. In the House since the 2025–2026 session, and before that in the House, for the 88th District, in the 2023–2024 session, and before that in the House, for the 88th District, in the 2021–2022 session, and before that in the House, for the 88th District, in the 2019–2020 session, and before that in the House, for the 88th District, in the 2017–2018 session.

A bill counts for the member who was its chief sponsor last. Shells, bills filed to be amended into something else later, count only once they pass a chamber. How these are measured

The 2025–2026 session so far

On November 5, 2026, day 667 of its term, beside four earlier sessions on the same day of theirs.

Bills as chief sponsor: 17; on the same day of earlier terms, from 14 (2019–2020) to 19 (2021–2022).
Passed their chamber: 0%; on the same day of earlier terms, from 0% (2023–2024) to 44% (2017–2018).
Became law: 0%; on the same day of earlier terms, from 0% (2023–2024) to 19% (2017–2018).
Carried from the other chamber: 0; on the same day of earlier terms, from 0 (2017–2018) to 0 (2017–2018).
Bills co-sponsored: 25; on the same day of earlier terms, from 23 (2021–2022) to 35 (2019–2020).

Committees

In the 2025–2026 session.

A member of Rules.

Bills sponsored

Each term's bills, those the member was last chief sponsor of and those carried from the other chamber. Each term leads to a page of its bills.

2025–2026 Regular Session, House17
17 not past the House · 25 co-sponsored
2023–2024 Regular Session, House14
14 not past the House · 30 co-sponsored
2021–2022 Regular Session, House19
3 became law · 3 passed the House · 13 not past the House · 23 co-sponsored
2019–2020 Regular Session, House14
1 became law · 5 passed the House · 8 not past the House · 35 co-sponsored
2017–2018 Regular Session, House16
3 became law · 4 passed the House · 9 not past the House · 33 co-sponsored

Against what was expected

Each term's bills, scored the way the Center for Effective Lawmaking scores every state legislator, beside what a member in the same place would be expected to score. A term still sitting is scored as it stands.

On each scale, a dot is another member of the chamber that term, the shaded band is about as expected, and the triangle marks the middle member.

2025–2026 · House: 1.6 times what was expected, more than expected, for a representative in the minority, not chairing a committee, in a fifth term; the middle representative scored 0.7 times; 210 representatives that term.
Terms counted from 2017.
2023–2024 · House: 0.9 times what was expected, about as expected, for a representative in the minority, not chairing a committee, in a fourth term; the middle representative scored 0.8 times; 212 representatives that term.
Terms counted from 2017.
2021–2022 · House: 1.2 times what was expected, about as expected, for a representative in the majority, chairing a committee, in a third term; the middle representative scored 0.9 times; 195 representatives that term.
Terms counted from 2017.
2019–2020 · House: 0.9 times what was expected, about as expected, for a representative in the majority, chairing a committee, in a second term; the middle representative scored 0.9 times; 209 representatives that term.
Terms counted from 2017.
2017–2018 · House: 2.1 times what was expected, more than expected, for a representative in the majority, not chairing a committee, in a first term; the middle representative scored 0.8 times; 209 representatives that term.
Our records begin with 2017–2018, so no earlier term counts toward what was expected.

Across the aisle

Co-sponsorships, given and drawn, with the other party, set among the members of the same party in the chamber that term.

On each scale, a dot is another member of that party, and the triangle marks the middle one.

2025–2026 · House: 31% of co-sponsorships crossed party lines; the middle Republican representative, 19%.
2023–2024 · House: 21% of co-sponsorships crossed party lines; the middle Republican representative, 15%.
2021–2022 · House: 37% of co-sponsorships crossed party lines; the middle Republican representative, 13%.
2019–2020 · House: 48% of co-sponsorships crossed party lines; the middle Republican representative, 18%.
2017–2018 · House: 33% of co-sponsorships crossed party lines; the middle Republican representative, 18%.

How these are measured

A bill counts for the member who was its chief sponsor last. A shell, a bill introduced to "make a technical change" so that it can be amended into something else later, counts once it has passed a chamber; until then it counts for no one.

Each term's score counts a member's bills at five steps: filed, acted on in committee, out of committee, passed their chamber, and became law. At each step a member's bills are taken as a share of all the chamber's, and the shares are added up, so that the chamber's average member scores 1. This follows the Center for Effective Lawmaking's method in outline. It differs in two ways: it counts every bill alike, where the Center weighs some as more significant than others, and it does not count shells that never moved, which the Center counts as bills.

What was expected of a member is worked out from the members of the same chamber and term: whether they were in the majority, whether they chaired a committee, and how many terms they had served in that chamber, counted from 2017, where l9n's records begin. About as expected is between half and one and a half times that. A term still sitting is scored as it stands that day, and will move.

Across the aisle counts the co-sponsorships between a member and the others in their chamber, those they gave and those their bills drew, and how many were with the other party. Each member is set among their own party, because the minority party crosses more.